The management at Raven Software, the Activision Blizzard subsidiary that develops Call of Duty games, has reportedly been trying to convince its employees to vote against unionization. According to The Washington Post, the Raven management has been sending out messages and holding town hall meetings ahead of the election deadline on May 20th.
During a meeting held on April 26th, company leadership suggested that unionization might not only impede game development, but also affect promotions and benefits. After that meeting, The Post says management sent employees an email with a message that’s more direct to the point: “Please vote no.” The Raven employees the publication talked to said the company’s efforts were ineffective, though, and that they still voted yes for unionization.
This saga began late last year when Raven suddenly laid off around a third of the group’s QA testers after months of promising better compensation. Activision Blizzard workers staged a weeks-long strike in support of the QA employees, and unionization efforts started at the same time. Since then, Activision has been trying to dissuade workers from forming a union.
Activision VP of QA Chris Arends reportedly told team members in a Slack meeting that a “union doesn’t do anything to help us produce world-class games, and the bargaining process is not typically quick, often reduces flexibility, and can be adversarial and lead to negative publicity.” The National Labor Relations Board granted the quality assurance testers’ permission to hold a union vote in April, though, and workers have been sending in their ballots by mail over the past month. We’ll soon find out if Activision’s alleged union-busting efforts are effective soon enough: The NLRB will be counting the ballots via video conference on May 23rd.
Weeks after its workers won a union election for the first time, Amazon fired two of the employees who were involved in organization efforts. It’s the first time Amazon has forced out workers involved in the union drive since the election win on April 1, according to Motherboard, though it’s not whether the company took these actions in retaliation.
Mat Cusick, a warehouse worker and communications lead for the Amazon Labor Union (ALU), was on COVID-19 leave to care for a loved one when he received notice of his firing on May 3rd, he told the outlet. The reason Amazon gave was that it let go Cusick for “voluntary resignation due to job abandonment.”
Fellow organizer Tristan Dutchin said he was fired four days later for failing to meet productivity targets. “I believe it was retaliatory,” Dutchin, who has been a vocal union advocate in the press, told Motherboard.
Amazon has fired workers on both sides of labor organizing drives at JFK8. In March 2020, the company terminated the employment of Chris Smalls, who led a protest over Amazon’s alleged failure to protect workers from COVID-19. Smalls is now the president of ALU. In April, the company was ordered to reinstate a JFK8 worker who it fired after a protest two years earlier.
Last week, Amazon let go six senior managers who were said to have been involved in the company’s anti-union efforts at JFK8. Amazon said it pushed them out as part of “management changes.” Some believed they were fired as a result of the union’s election win.
Amazon has challenged the election result in court. It has yet to recognize the ALU. Engadget has contacted Amazon for comment.
Amazon fired a number of senior managers from its JFK8 warehouse in Staten Island on Thursday, only a month after workers voted to unionize. The New York Times reported that the company axed more than half a dozen senior-level workers on Thursday, many…
Activision Blizzard is continuing a hiring spree in light of its ongoing harassment scandal. Blizzard has hired Jessica Martinez as its first Vice President of Culture. She’ll both implement and expand the game studio’s culture strategy, and lead a learning and development team that will help create a work environment where people feel “safe, valued” and eager to cooperate.
Martinez is a 14-year veteran of Disney, where she was a Chief of Staff and advised both the Chief Security Office and the parks’ Chief Technology & Digital Officer. She was known for building a diversity- and values-focused culture, according to Blizzard, and led efforts to harmonize security when Disney bought key Fox studios and channels.
The move comes just weeks after Activision Blizzard hired diversity chief Kristen Hines. It also follows months of employee shuffles and organizational efforts in the wake of the scandal. The publisher has ousted or disciplined numerous workers for participating in or tolerating a hostile work culture, including former Blizzard president J. Allen Brack. It also launched a “Workplace Responsibility Committee” to fight discrimination and harassment.
Whether or not these measures will be enough still isn’t clear. Activision Blizzard chief Bobby Kotick has remained despite pressure to resign and a New York City lawsuit. The Communications Workers of America union, meanwhile, has filed a complaint with US labor officials accusing the company of silencing talk about harassment lawsuits. While Martinez may bring valuable cultural improvements, there’s still evidence the firm is resistant to some forms of change.
Employees at an Apple store in Towson, Maryland sent a letter to CEO Tim Cook today informing him of their bid to unionize, reportedThe Washington Post. The group, which has deemed itself the Coalition of Organized Retail Employees, or AppleCore for sh…
Workers at the first US Apple Store to file for a union election will decide whether to unionize next month. According to an agreement obtained by The Verge, employees at Apple’s Cumberland Mall retail location in Atlanta will begin voting on June 2nd, with the ballot box open until June 4th. All approximately 100 regular full- and part-time staff at the store will be able to participate in the election.
Citing “a source familiar with the situation,” The Verge reports Apple wanted the vote held in July. That was a move the Communications Workers of America (CWA), the union that seeks to represent the employees at the Cumberland Mall location, reportedly opposed on account the later date would have afforded Apple more time to attempt to dissuade workers from unionizing. We’ve reached out to Apple for comment.
Apple hasn’t explicitly come out against its frontline workers organizing, but those involved in the union drive at the company’s Grand Central Terminal location in New York have accused Apple of employing “union-busting” tactics, including messaging that has tried to convince employees that unionization isn’t in their best interests.
“We are fortunate to have incredible retail team members and we deeply value everything they bring to Apple,” the company said when news of the Grand Central Terminal drive first broke. “We are pleased to offer very strong compensation and benefits for full time and part time employees, including health care, tuition reimbursement, new parental leave, paid family leave, annual stock grants and many other benefits.”
Among other concessions, workers at the Cumberland Mall location hope to push Apple to compensate them better, offer more opportunities for career advancement and build a safer workplace. “One of the biggest things that we’re fighting for is going to be for fair pay and a livable wage, because with Atlanta being such a huge city, it’s just getting more and more expensive to live here,” Elli Daniels, an employee at the store, told Engadget. “Everybody deserves the opportunity to be able to not worry about whether they can afford food or pay their bills. Everybody deserves to be able to afford to live in the city that they work in.”
Like the recent vote at Amazon’s JFK8 warehouse in Staten Island, the Cumberland Mall election could have historic ramifications. If workers vote in favor of organizing with the CWA, it would become the first unionized Apple Store in the US. That’s an outcome that could inspire Apple workers at other retail locations.
Amazon won’t have to contend with two unionized warehouses in the US, at least for the time being. Workers at the company’s LDJ5 facility in Staten Island have voted overwhelmingly against unionization. Of the 1,633 employees who were eligible to cast a ballot in the election, 618 said no to unionization and only 380 workers voted in favor of the bid. There were no contested ballots. In the end, 61 percent of eligible workers voted.
Despite todays outcome I’m proud of the worker/organizers of LDJ5 they had a tougher challenge after our victory at JFK8.Our leads should be extremely proud to have given their coworkers a right to join a Union @amazonlabor will continue to organize and so should all of you
“We’re glad that our team at LDJ5 were able to have their voices heard,” Amazon spokesperson Kelly Nantel told Engadget following the vote count. “We look forward to continuing to work directly together as we strive to make every day better for our employees.”
The failed vote comes after the Amazon Labor Union (ALU), led by former employee Christian Smalls, won a historic victory at the start of the month at JFK8, a facility just across the street from LDJ5. Despite its initial upset victory against the country’s second-largest employer, Monday’s defeat is likely to slow momentum for the ALU. Going into the election, there was hope a second victory would help build momentum toward a nationwide labor movement, but the union had to overcome some of the same obstacles it ran into at JFK8.
Following that vote, Amazon reportedly intensified its anti-union efforts. The ALU told Motherboard the company mandated daily anti-union meetings at LDJ5 and began distributing literature that attempted to cast the organization in a negative light. “Right now, the ALU is trying to come between our relationship with you,” Amazon said on a website it launched to discourage workers from voting in favor of unionization. “They think they can do a better job advocating for you than you are doing for yourself.”
Following the vote, the National Labor Relations Board, the federal agency that oversaw the election, said both parties have until May 9th to file objections. The Amazon Labor Union told Vice News it would contest the result. Moving forward, the ALU has a tough road ahead of itself. Amazon recently challenged the JKF8 result, alleging that the group pressured workers into voting to organize. The company has called for a redo of the election.
As of May 2nd, Amazon will no longer offer paid time off for workers who test positive for COVID-19, according to CNBC. Starting Monday, the company will instead grant frontline staff up to five days of unpaid leave, with the option for workers to use …
After decades on the decline intro, America’s labor movement is undergoing a massive renaissance with Starbucks, Amazon and Apple Store employees leading the way. Though the tech sector has only just begun basking in the newfound glow of collective bargaining rights, the automotive industry has a long been a hotbed for unionization. But the movement is not at all monolithic. In the excerpt below from her new book, Fight Like Hell: The Untold History of American Labor, journalist Kim Kelly recalls the summer of 1968 that saw the emergence of a new, more vocal UAW faction, the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement, coincide with a flurry of wildcat strikes in Big Three plants across the Rust Belt.
As of 2021, the U.S. construction industry is still booming and the building trades are heavily unionized, but not all of the nation’s builders have been so lucky. The country’s manufacturing sector has declined severely since its post–World War II high point, and so has its union density. The auto industry’s shuttered factories and former jobs shipped to countries with lower wages and weaker unions have become a symbol of the waning American empire. But things weren’t always this dire. Unions once fought tooth and nail to establish a foothold in the country’s automobile plants, factories, and steel mills. When those workers were able to harness the power of collective bargaining, wages went up and working conditions improved. The American Dream, or at least, a stable middle class existence, became an achievable goal for workers without college degrees or privileged backgrounds. Many more became financially secure enough to actually purchase the products they made, boosting the economy as well as their sense of pride in their work. Those jobs were still difficult and demanding and carried physical risks, but those workers—or at least, some of those workers—could count on the union to have their back when injustice or calamity befell them.
In Detroit, those toiling on the assembly lines of the Big Three automakers—Chrysler, Ford, and General Motors—could turn to the United Auto Workers (UAW), then hailed as perhaps the most progressive “major” union in the country as it forced its way into the automotive factories of the mid-twentieth century. The UAW stood out like a sore thumb among the country’s many more conservative (and lily-white) unions, with leadership from the likes of former socialist and advocate of industrial democracy Walter Reuther and a strong history of support for the Civil Rights Movement. But to be clear, there was still much work to be done; Black representation in UAW leadership remained scarce despite its membership reaching nearly 30 percent Black in the late 1960s.
The Big Three had hired a wave of Black workers to fill their empty assembly lines during World War II, often subjecting them to the dirtiest and most dangerous tasks available and on-the-job racial discrimination. And then, of course, once white soldiers returned home and a recession set in, those same workers were the first ones sacrificed. Production picked back up in the 1960s, and Black workers were hired in large numbers once again. They grew to become a majority of the workforce in Detroit’s auto plants, but found themselves confronting the same problems as before. In factories where the union and the company had become accustomed to dealing with one another without much fuss, a culture of complacency set in and some workers began to feel that the union was more interested in keeping peace with the bosses than in fighting for its most vulnerable members. Tensions were rising, both in the factories and the world at large. By May 1968, as the struggle for Black liberation consumed the country, the memory of the 1967 Detroit riots remained fresh, and the streets of Paris were paralyzed by general strikes, a cadre of class-conscious Black activists and autoworkers saw an opportunity to press the union into action.
They called themselves DRUM—the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement. DRUM was founded in the wake of a wildcat strike at Dodge’s Detroit plant, staffed by a handful of Black revolutionaries from the Black-owned, anti-capitalist Inner City Voice alternative newspaper. The ICV sprang up during the 1967 Detroit riots, published with a focus on Marxist thought and the Black liberation struggle. DRUM members boasted experience with other prominent movement groups like the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee and the Black Panthers, combining tactical knowledge with a revolutionary zeal attuned to their time and community.
General Gordon Baker, a seasoned activist and assembly worker at Chrysler’s Dodge Main plant, started DRUM with a series of clandestine meetings throughout the first half of 1968. By May 2, the group had grown powerful enough to see four thousand workers walk out of Dodge Main in a wildcat strike to protest the “speed-up” conditions in the plant, which saw workers forced to produce dangerous speed and work overtime to meet impossible quotas. Over the course of just one week, the plant had increased its output 39 percent. Black workers, joined by a group of older Polish women who worked in the plant’s trim shop, shut down the plant for the day, and soon bore the brunt of management’s wrath. Of the seven workers who were fired after the strike, five were Black. Among them was Baker, who sent a searing letter to the company in response to his dismissal. “In this day and age under the brutal repression reaped from the backs of Black workers, the leadership of a wildcat strike is a badge of honor and courage,” he wrote. “You have made the decision to do battle, and that is the only decision you will make. We shall decide the arena and the time.”
DRUM led another thousands-strong wildcat strike on July 8, this time shutting down the plant for two days and drawing in a number of Arab and white workers as well. Prior to the strike, the group had printed leaflets and held rallies that attracted hundreds of workers, students, and community members, a strategy DRUM would go on to use liberally in later campaigns to gin up support and spread its revolutionary message.
Men like Baker, Kenneth Cockrel, and Mike Hamlin were the public face of DRUM, but their work would have been impossible without the work of their female comrades, whose contributions were often overlooked. Hamlin admitted as much in his book-length conversation with longtime political activist and artist Michele Gibbs, A Black Revolutionary’s Life in Labor. “Possibly my deepest regret,” Hamlin writes, “is that we could not curb, much less transform, the doggish behavior and chauvinist attitudes of many of the men.”
Black women in the movement persevered despite this discrimination and disrespect at work, and they also found allies in unexpected places. Grace Lee Boggs, a Chinese American Marxist philosopher and activist with a PhD from Bryn Mawr, met her future husband James Boggs in Detroit after moving there in 1953. She and James, a Black activist, author (1963’s The American Revolution: Pages from a Negro Worker’s Notebook), and Chrysler autoworker, became fixtures in Detroit’s Black radical circles. They naturally fell in with the DRUM cadre, and Grace fit perfectly when Hamlin organized a DRUM-sponsored book club discussion forum in order to draw in progressive white and more moderate Black sympathizers. Interest in the Marxist book club was unexpectedly robust, and it grew to more than eight hundred members in its first year. Grace stepped in to help lead its discussion groups, and allowed young activists to visit her and James at their apartment and talk through thorny philosophical and political questions until the wee hours. She would go on to become one of the nation’s most respected Marxist political intellectuals and a lifelong activist for workers’ rights, feminism, Black liberation, and Asian American issues. As she told an interviewer prior to her death in 2015 at the age of one hundred, “People who recognize that the world is always being created anew, and we’re the ones that have to do it — they make revolutions.”
Further inside the DRUM orbit, Helen Jones, a printer, was the force behind the creation and distribution of their leaflets and publications. Women like Paula Hankins, Rachel Bishop, and Edna Ewell Watson, a nurse and confidant of Marxist scholar and former Black Panther Angela Davis, undertook their own labor organizing projects. In one case, the trio led a union drive among local hospital workers in the DRUM faction, hoping to carve out a place for female leadership within their movement. But ultimately, these expansion plans were dropped due to a lack of full support within DRUM. “Many of the male leaders acted as if women were sexual commodities, mindless, emotionally unstable, or invisible,” Edna Watson later told Dan Georgakas and Marvin Surkin for their Detroit: I Do Mind Dying. She claimed the organization held a traditionalist Black patriarchal view of women, in which they were expected to center and support their male counterparts’ needs at the expense of their own agenda. “There was no lack of roles for women… as long as they accepted subordination and invisibility.”
By 1969, the movement had spread to multiple other plants in the city, birthing groups like ELRUM (Eldon Avenue RUM), JARUM (Jefferson Avenue RUM), and outliers like UPRUM (UPS workers) and HRUM (healthcare workers). The disparate RUM groups then combined forces, forming the League of Revolutionary Black Workers. The new organization was to be led by the principles of Marxism, Leninism, and Maoism, but the league was never an ideological monolith. Its seven-member executive committee could not fully cohere the different political tendencies of its board or its eighty-member deep inner control group. Most urgently, opinions diverged on what shape, if any, further growth should take.
New York State Senator Jessica Ramos and Assembly Member Latoya Joyner have introduced a new bill meant to limit production quotas for warehouse workers. The bill, called the Warehouse Worker Protection Act, takes aim at Amazon’s labor practices. It expands upon and strengthens the language of a similar bill in California that was signed into law back in 2021, making the state the first in the US to have legislation that regulates warehouse quotas.
Productivity quotas prevent workers from complying with safety standards and contribute to rising injury rates in warehouse, Ramos notes in a statement. She explains that if the bill passes, it can “ease the bargaining process” for workers seeking to make demands for health purposes in their workplace. Warehouses will have to go through an ergonomic assessment of all tasks if the bill becomes a law, and companies could face penalties if they’re found to be lacking. The New York State Department of Labor will enforce rules established under the bill.
As Motherboard reports, the Warehouse Worker Protection Act will require employers with at least 50 employees in a single warehouse or 500 workers statewide to describe their productivity quotas in a written description. They also have to explain how their quotas are developed and how they can be used for disciplinary purposes. If the bill passes, it can make sure employees are giving their workers bathroom breaks and rest periods, as well.
Amazon made it to the National Council for Occupational Safety and Health’s most dangerous workplaces in the US for the third time this year. The advocacy group included Amazon for having an injury rate more than double the industry average and highlighted the deaths that took place in its facility in Bessemer, Alabama. Workers’ rights advocates also recently accused the e-commerce giant of using its charity work placement scheme to conceal true injury rates in its warehouses.
